Pray for Israel? The Impact of Hookers, Hash and Organized Crime on the Youth in Israel

In Donna Rosenthal’s chapter “Hookers and Hash in the Holy Land”, the author explores the underworld of Israeli society.  This includes hookers, pimps, drugs, drug runners and transnational criminal networks.  In her discussion she explains Israel’s contribution to both drug trafficking and human trafficking in that it serves as a venue through which drugs are smuggled into Europe and sex workers are smuggled in to Israel to service Israeli men.  Unsuspecting Eastern European women are trafficked into Israel along with large quantities of drugs by Russian and Bedouin Israelis.   

But its not just women and drugs that are smuggled into Israel; Rosenthal also notes that smuggling operations include weapons (such as M-16s and bombs) that are sold to Palestinians in the West Bank (393).   Rosenthal argues that Israel’s sunny climate is where the “shady “ come to do to business; it has been dubbed a “mobster’s paradise” (391).

            Rosenthal suggests that Israelis have had experience with such illicit drugs as hashish since the 1967 war (391) but it was on a much smaller scale.  She points out that today, the “multi-billion dollar drug trade is a bizarre model of Middle Eastern economic cooperation” which include Jewish, Bedouin, Lebanese, Egyptian and Palestinian partners who are supplied by groups operation in Afghanistan, Syria, East Asia and South America (392).

The increase in sex workers, drugs and weapons in Israel is largely due to the increasing numbers of Russian immigrants that are involved in organized crime.  This influence is apparent in the BBC news article "How the Russian Mafia is taking over Israel's Underworld" which further illustrates Rosenthal’s point that the organized crime activities include drugs, sex workers and weapons; and according to the BBC story one can add money laundering to the list of activities.  The story notes that in 1998 an estimated 4 billion dollars had been laundered in Israel--with current estimates as high as 20 billion.   What is significant about the increasing power and influence of the Russian Mafia is that its undermines the legitimacy of Israel’s political institutions given the wealth possessed by the criminal syndicate and its potential to corrupt government officials. 

But another concern worth noting is the impact that such demographic and societal changes have had on Israel’s youth—the number of at-risk teens in Israel is increasing and more and more Israeli teens are using drugs and engaging in prostitution.  Thus there appears to be a correlation between the legalization of prostitution in 2010 and the increase in teenage prostitution.  There also appears to be a relationship between the increase in social acceptance of drugs and its availability, and the increase in drug use among teenagers.   This begs the question—what are some of the consequences this cultural shift? What impact has the liberalization of sex and drugs had on Israeli youth?

According to The Learn and Live Foundation  and The Jewish Federation of North America of the 2.3 million Israeli youths approximately 350,000 are “at risk” and 11% of Israelis that use drugs are between the ages of 12-18. A 2009 article in the Jerusalem Post reported that of the 10,000 prostitutes in Israel 10% or 1,000 of them are minors.   Additionally, a 2011 Youth at Risk report cited in the Jerusalem Post (presented by the non-profit group Elem) reports that there has been a sharp increase in minors drinking, using drugs and engaging in risking sexual practices for commodities such as cigarettes, alcohol and drugs.   
The problem of drinking, drug use and teenage pregnancy is also cited in Haaretz's online  article "Teen Pregnancy, Drug use and Drinking on the rise in Israel".    In an effort to combat such issues, the non-profit group Elem has started several campaigns including the  “up all night campaign” aimed at rescuing Israeli teens from going into the sex trade and "Friendship Vans"  that operate nightly in 18 cities and towns—going into public parks, beaches and entertainment centers, abandoned areas and prostitution haunts where at-risk teens tend to hang out. 





They offer immediate help to homeless youth by providing humanitarian aid, informal counseling and referrals to other social services.  Elem has also spearheaded the “Lights of Hope” campaign aimed at raising awareness of issues faced by Israeli.  The non-profit has also expanded the campaign on various social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook. 

Critics from the various news sources cited in this blog argue that the Israeli government is failing to address the growing numbers of under-aged prostitutes and increasing numbers of teenagers that are using drugs and that the government is not well suited to address the issues.  As noted by  Yitzhak Kadman a Jerusalem-based lobbyist for the National Council for the Child,  in an era of government cuts and austerity in the areas of social spending and the availability of pornographic material that appears to legitimate sex with children it is understandable why teenage prostitution is on the rise. Add to the mix the increasing availability of drugs and a "youth culture" that accepts drug use as legitimate and normal and you have the making of a serious crises.

The serious issues affecting the future generations of Israel such as prostitution and drugs and the increasing numbers of "at risk youth" do not get much attention in Rosenthal’s chapter—she primarily focuses on the “week-end users” and doesn’t get into a discussion of these problems.  Rosenthal indicates that drug use among Israeli adolescents has become part of the “youth culture” as evidenced by research done by Yoav Ben-Dov.  This author on youth culture claims that in Israel  “there is not much shame in using drugs in Israel anymore—its out in the open” (394-395).  Indeed the chapter illustrates how in many ways Israel is facing a cultural revolution on various levels.  The question that remains is in what way has the increasing presence of drugs and prostitution that is a direct result of the increasing power and influence of the Russian mafia contributed to the problems faced by the Israeli teens?  Following what Rosenthal demonstrated in her chapter on "Hookers and Hash in the Holy Land" this blog has attempted to demonstrate that perhaps there is a relationship between the two.  The sources found online appear to be credible, although many of the news stories use the findings and statistics provided by the non-profit group Elem.  

Theocracy or Democracy? Religious Intolerance and Conflict between Ultra-Orthodox and Non-Orthodox Jews in Israel

Debra Rosenthal discusses the plight of the non-Orthodox, secular Jews in Israel in her book The Israelis (2008).  In her chapter entitled “the Non-Orthodox” the author identifies a type of culture war that is going on in Israel between the ultra Orthodox, and the non-Orthodox Israelis.   The idea of a conflict between Israeli Jews seems counter intuitive given that when most people think of Israel and intra-state, inter-faith fighting, they think of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or a conflict between Muslims and Jews and not a conflict between the ultra-Orthodox and the non-Orthodox Jews.  The tension between the different groups appears to be a serious concern facing Israeli society based on the testimonials provided in Rosenthal. 

Upon initial investigation of the nature of this tension, media images and news footage tend to support the claim of inter-faith Jewish infighting demonstrated in the images below.  In the town of Beit She mesh, an ultra-Orthodox Jewish man (below) argues with a secular man during a protest against the  Israeli government.  Some within the ultra-Orthodox (Haredim) community see the Israeli government as "illegitimate" as evidenced by their reference to the "evil Israeli government".   In this new story by PRI's "The World" some within the ultra-Orthodox community accuse the Israeli state of trying to eliminate the ultra-Orthodox.   The poster exemplifies the sentiment of some within the haredi community (lower left corner) the story notes that posters are how many of the ultra-Orthodox communicate with each other.

Rosenthal clearly identifies the tension between 80% of the Israeli population that are secular and the 10% of the ultra-Orthodox community (haredi Jews).  She discusses how the secular Jews feel resentment because of their perception that the ultra-Orthodox Jews take more than their fair share of the Jewish Welfare State (the ultra-Orthodox community tends to have very large families even up to 10 to 12 children) and the ultra-Orthodox Jews tend to pay less taxes compared to  the other groups in Israel.  Adding to the tension is the fact that the haredi Jews do not have to serve in the military (every Israeli is forced to conscription).   In some ways, as Rosenthal suggests, the revisionists and conservative Jews that primarily make up the non-Orthodox community feels discriminated against and harassed by the ultra-Orthodox.   They even feel that they have few venues to practice their faith, as Rosenthal notes that 98% of the synagogues are Orthodox or ultra-Orthodox  (232).  In the city of Jerusalem which is made up of non-Orthodox, Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox populations, the three groups often "bump shoulders" and  non-Orthodox Jews are often  are harassed by "morality police" or spit upon by the ultra-Orthodox for their "evil and immoral ways".

The video "Israel: A Secular State?"  highlights the frustration felt by both the ultra-Orthodox and non-Orthodox  Jews in Jerusalem.  Both feel that they are facing "religious coercion":

The video notes that recently Israel's first crematorium was firebombed and many suspect it was a member of the ultra-Orthodox community.  The story further underlies the tension felt in Israel between the different religious sects, with some arguing that its not that the ultra-Orthodox are more "extreme" rather this appears to be the case because they are being more "vocal" than they have been in the past.   Based on Rosenthal and other internet sources, it does appear that in some ways, the secular voices in the Israeli government are being drowned out by a small but growing segment of the population (the haredi).    This is demonstrated in Rosenthal’s work where she describes the reaction of the ultra-Orthodox community when the Israeli Supreme Court ruled in favor of  "religious pluralism" (something that the majority of Israelis support) ruling that this religious faction could be forced to serve in the military. They staged violent protest and spit on people who challenge them (spitting is the worst insult you can do to a person).    Against this backdrop Rosenthal demonstrates that many legal battles have been won by the secularist using the legal pathway, given that the Israeli Supreme Court has tended to support the idea of religious pluralism.The video below shows ultra-Orthodox clashing with police over a public parking structure that was allowed to operate on the Sabbath:

Discrimination against non-Orthodox Jews as a a result of the influence of the ultra-Orthodox is noted in The Jewish Baltimore Times, where it is reported that leaders of the Israeli Reform and Conservative movements sent letters of complaint to the Israeli government charging that Israeli hotels continue to discriminate against non-Orthodox Jews.   The group leaders charged that Israeli hotels refused to grant rooms and the use of Torah scrolls to non-Orthodox Jews.   Specifically, a Conservative tour group was denied access to the use of a Torah scroll because they planned to hold an egalitarian prayer service (which would include women).

Another story that made headlines (from NTDTV Television, a Chinese news source) is the story of a woman (Tanya Rosenblit) who refused to move to the back of a pubic bus and became a "secular" (a type of "Rosa Parks) hero to some Israelis who have felt antagonism towards the ultra-Orthodox community and the refusal of the elected government officials to stand up against this segment of the ultra-Orthodox community (per NTDTV gender segregation by force on buses in Israel is not legal).

Thus complaints of discrimination highlighted in Rosenthal's book can be found all over the news media; in print (online), radio and television.   Even during a news story cited in this blog, a journalist for "The Real News" in the story "Women fight Religious Segregation"" (Lia Taranchansky) covering the story on the tension between the ultra-Orthodox and the non-Orthodox was approached by an ultra-Orthodox men explaining that she had no right to be out in public and she was not allowed to interview any haredi men (video is embedded below).

Thus many Israelis feel that there exists a secular, non-secular state in Israel and criticism of a lack of religious pluralism is not just from Jewish groups within Israel.  The International Community has also criticized Israel for not providing for true religious freedom finding that Israel has favored Orthodox religious values at the expense of other religious faiths.  The bottom line is that the haredi want absolutely no interference in family/religious issues by the Israeli state.  Many secular Jews want the state to stand up to what they see as "fundamentalism". The video below, frames the story as "the Battle for Israel":

            So the question this raises is-- are the other 80% fighting back? If so, how?  Rosenthal identifies a political campaign against the Ultra Orthodox community that gave  rise to the Shinui party that reflected a temporary coalition between (provide link)..  According to the Huffington Post article Israelis, Resentful Of Orthodox Grip on Society, Fight Back" hundreds of Israeli Jews protested declaring that "Israel is not Iran".  The greatest tension appears to be the violence and or practices against women by the Orthodox Jews who do not tolerate any deviation to their behavior.  

Additionally, many women leaders in Israel are not only concerned about the lack of respect for women by some ultra-Orthodox but also for their failure to recognize the authority of the Israeli state.  As the video "Women Fight Religious Segregation" demonstrates, women leaders are speaking out against the radical behavior of some of the ultra-Orthodox community.  For example, Labor leader MK Sheli Yechimovitch and Tzipi Livini, leader of the opposition party and member of the Knessett are outspoken on their views on this issue:

Rosenthal notes that an anti-haredi counter-demonstration formed in support of the Supreme Court's decision to outlaw army exemptions for  haredi males led to the formation of the Shinui party (meaning change) which became the second largest party in government in 2003 (although it failed to deliver the change it was promising, 246).

Its is important to mention that not all of the ultra-Orthodox and Orthodox groups are repressing the secular populations.  As evidenced by the video above, and the new story from  "The World" (PRI International) many members of the ultra-Orthodox community feel that leaders within this community need to speak out against religious zealots and publicly condemn such radical behavior as spitting on 8 year old girls.  Indeed, many of the protesters demonstrating against the "fundamentalists" are in fact ultra-Orthodox Jews who feel that the actions of a few are creating problems for the those that want peaceful coexistence.  However, Rosenthal notes that "a whopping 64% of the ultra-Orthodox believe that Israel should be a theocracy" (245). 

While it is easy to overly dramatize the tension that exists between the secular and non-secular (ultra-Orthodox/non-Orthodox) populations, and it is important to point out that such tension makes great news headlines and helps to sensationalize the problem--there does appear to be a real problem in Israel.  Such media  reports sell papers and maintain viewers, listeners and readers! Indeed,  the images only give us a glimpse of what is going on in Israel and the videos are just as guilty of only showing an "piece" or reality.  However, the news sources cited/discussed in this blog appear to be valid and impartial, many of which take an objective view of this issue (discussing both sides and interviewing scholars, political and religious leaders from the ultra-Orthodox and non-Orthodox communities).  What is apparent is that several sources online support Rosenthal's observation that the majority of Israeli's support a secular state and at the same time wish to respect the religious practices found within Judaism.  The problem is for a small segment of the ultra-Orthodox population, that is not enough--they want all Israelis to practice Judaism their way.  Its clear that the Israeli public feels that it is a problem when the state of  Israel fails to protect people of all faiths (or of little faith). What is interesting is that like in the United States, it is often the Supreme Court that continues to protect religious pluralism.  As one account in Rosenthal's book sums it up best: "the Haredim need to understand that if it were "not for non-religious Zionist who brought Jews here, a lot of haredi families probably would have been killed" (238). 

So the question this leaves us with is whether Israel will maintain its democratic foundations or become more theocratic.  As one ultra-Orthodox Jew noted in the video "A Secular State?":   "Israel is a Democracy based on the will of the majority, some day we will be the majority".  It doesn't appear that this very contentious issue will be not resolved any time soon. 

The Other 10%: What Life is Like for Gay Arabs (is this an oxymoron?)

A few months ago, watching the news in the run-up to the Iraq war, I spotted a couple of demonstrators marching to a "Queers for Palestine" banner. Note the preposition. While most of the antiwar marchers were merely against war (even if this meant keeping Saddam Hussein in power), these two were for Palestine. I spent the remainder of the evening trying to think of the nearest equivalent. Blacks for the Old South? Jews for the Ayatollah? "Recovered" homosexuals?

           The idea of a Palestinian man or woman being openly gay and accepted by the Palestinian community is somewhat of an oxymoron according to Tom Gross' Brutality Against Homosexuals in the Arab World.  This idea is also suggested by Donna Rosenthal's chapter "Oy! Gay?" in her work The Israelis (2008).  The complexity of Israeli society is demonstrated by Rosenthal’s portrayal of gay and lesbian life in Israel.  The overall tolerance and acceptance of the homosexual community that Rosenthal depicts is somewhat of a conundrum given the religious and cultural diversity of its population many of whom not only lack tolerance for homosexuality, they see it as an abomination to their traditional cultural and religious values. Yet amid this diverse and multicultural society homosexual rights are protected and safeguarded by the state of Israel—they can adopt, they can claim property rights for their significant others and they can openly serve in the military.  Homosexuals have been given "special protection" per the 1998 sexual harassment law (371).   So while traditional cultures within Israel don’t accept their lifestyles, the Israeli state demonstrates a tremendous amount of respect for the homosexuals right to live freely and without fear of retribution or discrimination by the government.

            According to Rosenthal, the Israeli government is so committed to this cause that we see the use of public service ads that address the concerns of young men and women (teens) coming to terms with their sexual identity. Rosenthal’s observation is further demonstrated by the video below that portrays young Israeli men and women challenging traditional gender roles and being comfortable crossing over to gay/transgender experience:

After watching this very colorful and upbeat public service message, one gets the sense that its not only okay, but "fun" to find out who you really are as a young person in Israel.  But is it this true for all Israelis that want to "come out of the closet" and be who they really are? Is this true for Palestinians in Israel? For the Palestinians in the occupied territories?  Rosenthal also explores the dark side to being gay in Israel by identifying the tensions that exist within the traditional communities in their inability to come to terms with a gay son, daughter, spouse or other family member.  This dimension is clearly outlined in the context of Palestinian Christian and Muslim homosexuals who find it nearly impossible to come out and face a culture that condemns homosexuality.  The situation for gay Palestinian men and women is even more severe in the  occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza.  The initial question(s) this raises include: is gay life more difficult for Arab Israelis?  How does the Arab Israeli conflict play into this discussion?  What about being Palestinian and gay in the occupied territories?  What about those gay Palestinians seeking asylum in Israel? 

For Palestinians, being gay is akin to having the plague in a culture and religion that does not tolerate homosexuality.  As  Yossi Klein Halevi points out in The New Republic, Islamic law prescribes five separate forms of death for homosexuals and on top of that, the Palestinian Authority adds several additional punishments for being gay. Halevi notes that the torment of gays is the official Palestinian policy of the PA.
In the West Bank city of Tulkarm, Halevi tells the story of a young Palestinian homosexual he calls Tayseer who discovered early on growing up in Gaza that being gay was the same as being a criminal.  When he was arrested by an undercover police officer he was told that to avoid prison he would have to work as an undercover sex agent (entrapping other homosexuals).  When he refused to cooperate he "was forced to stand in sewage up to his neck, his head covered by a sack filled with feces, and then he was thrown into a dark cell infested with insects and other creatures he could feel but not see... During one interrogation, police stripped him and forced him to sit on a Coke bottle. Throughout the entire ordeal he was taunted by interrogators, jailers, and fellow prisoners for being a homosexual." Tayseer is currently living as a refugee in an Arab Israeli village.  Halevi  tells another story of a Palestinian homosexual who was put in a pit in Nablus and starved to death over Ramadan; of another whose PA interrogators "cut him with glass and poured toilet cleaner into his wounds".  One young man lives in constant fear that he will be killed by his family members.  Such stories of torture and abuse by the PA makes Halevi wonder why more international attention hasn't been given to the plight of Palestinians living in the occupied territories.

Halevi's description of what he terms the Palestinian (gay) refugee problem is further demonstrated by the video clip below.  This video conveys what life is like in Israel for gay Palestinians who flee the occupied territory.  Specifically, the Palestinian teen in the video explains that he was jailed at the age of 12 for being gay (he had fled to Israel when discovered, but returned because he was home sick).  The young man interviewed describes what life was like for him when he was jailed: he was constantly beaten and harassed.  He was told that he had been "perverted by Israel".  

Once he was released he fled to Israel and turned to prostitution to support himself. He has been living underground.  The teen can't go back home, if discovered he would be deported by the Israeli authorities.  He currently lives in Tel Aviv and seeks refuge in an unnamed community center, where the counselor named Shaoul explains that the young man is in an untenable situation:  he can't go come because he will be killed by either the PA or his family and he can't come out of hiding or he will be deported where he is sure to be killed.  The young man explains that he knew two boys that tried to go back and they were killed.  The boy (now 16) says, "my dreams are simple: I want to be accepted".   This situation stands in stark contrast to the videos depicting the happy go lucky gay teens who are free to be themselves and try on colorful clothing.

As the video suggests, the plight of the gay Palestinians has been addressed by community support groups in Israel.  According to Rosenthal, the JOH, or the Jersalem Open House makes a special effort to target their resources towards the Palestinians community (379).  An interview with a JOH counselor below sheds life on the political, social and cultural difficulties faced by Palestinian gays: 

   The counselor  notes, “your sexual identity develops at the expense of your Palestinian identity” acknowledging that while the Israeli community has a long way to go and the Palestinian community has an even farther way to go in accepting homosexuals.  Other stories further suggest this notion.

           The obstacles faced by Israel/Palestinian couples and its relationship to the Arab-Israeli conflict is also depicted in Rosenthal's book.  For example, Rosenthal discusses a gay Israeli jew, Ezra who is fighting to get citizenship for his Muslim Palestinian partner, Selim.  Selim served time in prison for his participation in the first intifada but now works with his lover in his plumbing business (380).  She notes that many homosexual Palestinians are seeking political asylum in Israel (380).
Such gay love stories are also depicted in the film The Bubble   (video clip on right) which shows the difficulties faced by Palestinian and Jewish Israeli gay couples that try to stay together during this conflict (371).  In the film,  an Israeli national guardsman Noam conspires to help his Palestinian lover Asraf stay in Tel Aviv.  Like the teen depicted in the real-life video, Asraf is facing the problem of being gay, Palestinian and facing deportation to a territory (PA) that will undoubtedly condemn him to death. The Bubble demonstrates the harsh realities faced by homosexuals in Israel and the territories and how the conflict further exacerbates such difficulties. As Rosenthal suggests according to Arab culture "being called an 'int a luti' (you're a homosexual) is tantamount to being condemned to death" (376).  In other words, being gay and Arab is somewhat of an oxymoron.